E it can help to build the social infrastructure necessary for a community to prevent and respond to outbreaks of infectious diseases [33]. Consistent with prior studies, the results of this study showed that people perceived low susceptibility to contracting the disease (17.8 ) but a high severity of disease (88.6 ) during a possible, future influenza pandemic [34]. This study found that perceived severity of the disease was associated with the intention to receive vaccination and wear a face mask but was not associated with the intention to wash hands more frequently. It seems that the higher the perceived severity of the disease, the higher the cost (i.e., expense of receiving a flu shot) the person is willing to pay to implement a health measure. In comparison with the different types of behavioral intention, the results suggested that respondents with higher education demonstrated a higher intention than did lower-educated respondents to receive vaccination and wear a face mask. In addition, males and higher-income people were more likely to have the intention to receive vaccination, which was consistent with previous studies [35]; however, these relationships did not apply to the intention of washing their hands and wearing a face mask. These findings may be related to get Q-VD-OPh gender differences regarding the belief of the effectiveness of vaccination and the perceived expense of receiving a new type of flu shot [36]. The findings of this study should be considered in the context of certain limitations. First, this study performed no longitudinal social capital measurements; therefore, the relationships found between social capital and the outcome should perhaps be more cautiously interpreted as mere associations. Second, this study did not measure all aspects of social capital (i.e., reciprocity) and this study did not measure bridging social capital directly, such as by asking the respondents whether they had an ethnically diverse social network. Nevertheless, association memberships have been proposed to represent bridging social capital and to indicate interpersonal relationships outside the circle of family and friends. Third, although the appropriate level for analyzing social capital is still disputed, this study only order Belinostat assessed social capital as an individual-level attribute [37]. Arguably, this approach could lead to difficulty in distinguishing this concept from social support [38]. However, many studies have assessed individual-level social capital and showed its relationship to one’s health status [37]. Fourth, this study relied on self-reporting respondents; therefore the findings may be subject to social desirability and recall bias [12]. Last, the generalizability of this study may be limited because of the low response rate (53 ). It is now understood that response rates for survey research have been declining in many countries for the past decades [39]. These declining rates have led to concerns that nonresponse error may bias survey estimates. Taiwan Social Change Survey has estimated that about 20?5 of the non-response rates were due to the discrepancy of registered addresses and actual living addresses [25]. Studies have suggested through updating addresses from other supplemental sampling frames, such as postal addresses or other commercially available databases, might remedy the problem of low-response rate in a household survey [40].ConclusionDespite the limitations, the findings of this study provide a recommendatio.E it can help to build the social infrastructure necessary for a community to prevent and respond to outbreaks of infectious diseases [33]. Consistent with prior studies, the results of this study showed that people perceived low susceptibility to contracting the disease (17.8 ) but a high severity of disease (88.6 ) during a possible, future influenza pandemic [34]. This study found that perceived severity of the disease was associated with the intention to receive vaccination and wear a face mask but was not associated with the intention to wash hands more frequently. It seems that the higher the perceived severity of the disease, the higher the cost (i.e., expense of receiving a flu shot) the person is willing to pay to implement a health measure. In comparison with the different types of behavioral intention, the results suggested that respondents with higher education demonstrated a higher intention than did lower-educated respondents to receive vaccination and wear a face mask. In addition, males and higher-income people were more likely to have the intention to receive vaccination, which was consistent with previous studies [35]; however, these relationships did not apply to the intention of washing their hands and wearing a face mask. These findings may be related to gender differences regarding the belief of the effectiveness of vaccination and the perceived expense of receiving a new type of flu shot [36]. The findings of this study should be considered in the context of certain limitations. First, this study performed no longitudinal social capital measurements; therefore, the relationships found between social capital and the outcome should perhaps be more cautiously interpreted as mere associations. Second, this study did not measure all aspects of social capital (i.e., reciprocity) and this study did not measure bridging social capital directly, such as by asking the respondents whether they had an ethnically diverse social network. Nevertheless, association memberships have been proposed to represent bridging social capital and to indicate interpersonal relationships outside the circle of family and friends. Third, although the appropriate level for analyzing social capital is still disputed, this study only assessed social capital as an individual-level attribute [37]. Arguably, this approach could lead to difficulty in distinguishing this concept from social support [38]. However, many studies have assessed individual-level social capital and showed its relationship to one’s health status [37]. Fourth, this study relied on self-reporting respondents; therefore the findings may be subject to social desirability and recall bias [12]. Last, the generalizability of this study may be limited because of the low response rate (53 ). It is now understood that response rates for survey research have been declining in many countries for the past decades [39]. These declining rates have led to concerns that nonresponse error may bias survey estimates. Taiwan Social Change Survey has estimated that about 20?5 of the non-response rates were due to the discrepancy of registered addresses and actual living addresses [25]. Studies have suggested through updating addresses from other supplemental sampling frames, such as postal addresses or other commercially available databases, might remedy the problem of low-response rate in a household survey [40].ConclusionDespite the limitations, the findings of this study provide a recommendatio.
